Haymarket
Affair Digital Collection
Reasons
for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab
by
John P. Altgeld, Governor of Illinois, 1893
[Cover
Page]
REASONS
FOR PARDONING
FIELDEN,
NEEBE AND SCHWAB
BY
JOHN
P. ALTGELD,
GOVERNOR
OF ILLINOIS.
[Page
Three]
STATEMENT
OF THE CASE.
On
the night of May 4, 1886, a public meeting was held on Haymarket
Square
in Chicago; there were from 800 to 1,000 people present,
nearly
all being laboring men. There had been trouble, growing out of
the
effort to introduce an eight-hour day, resulting in some
collisions
with the police, in one of which several laboring people
were
killed, and this meeting was called as a protest against alleged
police
brutality.
The
meeting was orderly and was attended by the mayor, who remained
until
the crowd began to disperse and then went away. As soon as
Capt.
John Bonfield, of the police department, learned that the mayor
had
gone, he took a detachment of police and hurried to the meeting
for
the purpose of dispersing the few that remained, and as the
police
approached the place of meeting a bomb was thrown by some
unknown
person, which exploded and wounded many and killed several
policemen,
among the latter being one Mathias Degan. A number of
people
were arrested and after a time August Spies, Albert R.
Parsons,
Louis Lingg, Michael
[Page
Four]
Schwab,
Samuel Fielden, George Engle, Adolph Fischer and Oscar Neebe
were
indicted for the murder of Mathias Degan. The prosecution could
not
discover who had thrown the bomb and could not bring the really
guilty
man to justice, and, as some of the men indicted were not at
the
Haymarket meeting and had nothing to do with it, the prosecution
was
forced to proceed on the theory that the men indicted were guilty
of
murder because it was claimed they had at various times in the
past
uttered and printed incendiary and seditious language,
practically
advising the killing of policemen, of Pinkerton men and
others
acting in that capacity, and that they were therefore
responsible
for the murder of Mathias Degan. The public was greatly
excited
and after a prolonged trial all of the defendants were found
guilty;
Oscar Neebe was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment and
all
of the other defendants were sentenced to be hanged. The case was
carried
to the supreme court and was there affirmed in the fall of
1887.
Soon thereafter Lingg committed suicide. The sentence of
Fielden
and Schwab was commuted to imprisonment for life and Parsons,
Fischer,
Engle and Spies were hanged, and the petitioners now ask to
have
Neebe, Fielden and Schwab set at liberty.
The
several thousand merchants, bankers, judges, lawyers and other
prominent
citizens of Chicago who have by petition, by letter and in
other
ways urged executive clemency, mostly base their appeal on the
ground
that, assuming the prisoners to be guilty, they have been
punished
enough, but a number of them who have examined the case more
carefully,
[Page
Five]
fully,
and are more familiar with the record and with the facts
disclosed
by the papers on file, base their appeal on entirely
different
grounds. They assert,
FIRST-That
the jury which tried the case was a packed jury selected to convict.
SECOND-That
according to the law as laid down by the supreme court,
both
prior to and again since the trial of this case, the jurors,
according
to their own answers, were not competent jurors and the
trial
was therefore not a legal trial.
THIRD-That
the defendants were not proven to be guilty of the crime
charged
in the indictment.
FOURTH-That
as to the defendant Neebe, the state's attorney had
declared
at the close of the evidence that there was no case against
him,
and yet he has been kept in prison all these years.
FIFTH-That
the trial judge was either so prejudiced against the
defendants,
or else so determined to win the applause of a certain
class
in the community that he could not and did not grant a fair
trial.
Upon
the question of having been punished enough I will simply say
that
if the defendants had a fair trial, and nothing has developed
since
to show that they are not guilty of the crime charged in the
indictment,
then there ought to be no executive interference, for no
punishment
under our laws could then be too severe. Government must
[Page
Six]
defend
itself; life and property must be protected and law and order
must
be maintained; murder must be punished, and if the defendants
are
guilty of murder, either committed with their own hands or by
some
one else acting on their advice, then, if they have had a fair
trial,
there should be in this case no executive interference. The
soil
of America is not adapted for the growth of anarchy. While our
institutions
are not free from injustice, they are still the best
that
have yet been devised, and therefore must be maintained.
Was
the Jury Packed?
I.
The
record of the trial shows that the jury in this case was not
drawn
in the manner that juries usually are drawn; that is, instead
of
having a number of names drawn out of a box that contained many
hundred
names, as the law contemplates shall be done in order to
insure
a fair jury and give neither side the advantage, the trial
judge
appointed one, Henry L. Ryce as a special bailiff to go out and
summon
such men as he, Ryce, might select to act as jurors. While
this
practice has been sustained in cases in which it did not appear
that
either side had been prejudiced thereby, it is always a
dangerous
practice, for it gives the bailiff absolute power to select
a
jury that will be favorable to one side or the other. Counsel for
the
state, in their printed brief, say that Ryce was appointed on
motion
of defendants. While it appears that counsel for defendants
were
in favor of having some one appointed, the record has this entry:
[Page
Seven]
"Mr.
Grinnell (the state's attorney) suggested Mr. Ryce as special
bailiff
and he was accepted and appointed." But it makes no
difference
on whose motion he was appointed if he did not select a
fair
jury. It is shown that he boasted while selecting jurors that he
was
managing this case; that these fellows would hang as certain as
death;
that he was calling such men as the defendants would have to
challenge
peremptorily and waste their challenges on, and that when
their
challenges were exhausted they would have to take such men as
the
prosecution wanted. It appears from the record of the trial that
the
defendants were obliged to exhaust all of their peremptory
challenges
and they had to take a jury, almost every member of which
stated
frankly that he was prejudiced against them. On page 133 of
volume
1 of the record it appears that when the panel was about
two-thirds
full, counsel for defendants called the attention of the
court
to the fact that Ryce was summoning only prejudiced men, as
shown
by their examinations, further: That he was confining himself
to
particular classes, i. e., clerks, merchants, manufacturers, etc.
Counsel
for defendants then moved the court to stop this and direct
Ryce
to summon the jurors from the body of the people, that is, from
the
community at large, and not from particular classes; but the
court
refused to take any notice of the matter.
For
the purpose of still further showing the misconduct of bailiff
Ryce
reference is made to the affidavit of Otis S. Favor. Mr. Favor
is
one of the most reputable and honorable business men of Chicago;
he
was himself summoned by
[Page
Eight]
Ryce
as a juror, but was so prejudiced against the defendants that he
had
to be excused, and he abstained from making any affidavit before
sentence
because the state's attorney had requested him not to make
it,
although he stood ready to go into court and tell what he knew if
the
court wished him to do so, and he naturally supposed he would be
sent
for. But after the supreme court had passed on the case and some
of
the defendants were about to be hanged he felt that an injustice
was
being done and he made the following affidavit:
STATE
OF ILLINOIS, COOK COUNTY. ss.
Otis
S. Favor, being duly sworn on oath says that he is a citizen of
the
United States and of the State of Illinois, residing in Chicago,
and
a merchant doing business at Nos. 6 and8 Wabash avenue, in the
city
of Chicago, in said county. That he is very well acquainted with
Henry
L. Ryce of Cook county, Illinois, who acted as special bailiff
in
summoning jurors in the case of the People, etc., vs. Spies et
al.,
indictment for murder, tried in the criminal court of Cook
county
in the summer of 1886. That affiant was himself summoned by
said
Ryce for a juror in said cause, but was challenged and excused
therein
because of his prejudice. That on several occasions in
conversation
between affiant and said Ryce touching the summoning of
the
jurors by said Ryce, and while said Ryce was so acting as special
bailiff
as aforesaid, said Ryce said to this affiant and to other
persons
in affiant's presence, in substance and effect as follows,
to-wit:
"I (meaning said Ryce) am managing this case, (meaning this
case
against Spies et al) and know what I am about. Those fellows
(meaning
the defendants, Spies et al) are going to be hanged as
certain
as death. I am calling such men as the defendants will have
to
challenge peremtorily and waste their time and challenges. Then
they
will have to take such men as the prosecution wants." That
affiant
has been very reluctant to make any affidavit in this case,
having
no
[Page
Nine]
sympathy
with anarchy nor relationship to or personal interest in the
defendants
or any of them, and not being a socialist, communist or
anarchist;
but affiant has an interest as a citizen, in the due
administration
of the law, and that no injustice should be done under
judicial
procedure, and believes that jurors should not be selected
with
reference to their known views or prejudices. Affiant further
says
that his personal relations with said Ryce were at said time,
and
for many years theretofore had been most friendly and even
intimate,
and that affiant is not prompted by any ill will toward
anyone
in making this affidavit, but solely by a sense of duty and a
conviction
of what is due to justice.
Affiant
further says that about the beginning of October, 1886, when
the
motion for a new trial was being argued in said cases before
Judge
Cary, and when, as he was informed, application was made before
Judge
Gary for leave to examine affiant in open court, touching the
matters
above stated, this affiant went upon request from State's
Attorney
Grinnell to his office during the noon recess of the court,
and
there held an interview with said Grinnell, Mr. Ingham and said
Ryce,
in the presence of several other persons, including some police
officers,
where affiant repeated substantially the matters above
stated,
and the said Ryce did not deny affiant's statements, and
affiant
said that he would have to testify thereto if summoned as a
witness,
but had refused to make an affidavit thereto, and affiant
was
then and there asked and urged to persist in his refusal and to
make
no affidavit. And affiant further saith not.
OTIS
S. FAVOR.
Subscribed
and sworn to before me this 7th day of November, A. D. 1887.
JULIUS
STERN,
Notary
Public in and for said County.
So
far as shown no one connected with the state's attorney's office
has
ever denied the statements of Mr. Favor, as to what took place in
that
office, although his affidavit was made in November, 1887.
[Page
Ten]
As
to Bailiff Ryce, it appears that he has made a affidavit in which
he
denies that he made the statement sworn to by Mr. Favor, but
unfortunately
for him, the record of the trial is against him, for it
shows
conclusively that he summoned only the class of men mentioned
in
Mr. Favor's affidavit. According to
the record 981 men were
examined
as to their qualifications as jurors, and most of them were
either
employers, or men who had been pointed out to the bailiff by
their
employer. The following, taken from
the original record of the
trial,
are fair specimens of the answers of nearly all the jurors,
except
that in the following cases the court succeeded in getting the
jurors
to say that they believed they could try the case fairly
notwithstanding
their prejudice:
Examination
of the Jurors.
William
Neil, a manufacturer, was examined at length; stated that he
had
heard and read about the Haymarket trouble, and believed enough
of
what he had so heard and read to form an opinion as to the guilt
of
the defendants, which he still entertained; that he had expressed
said
opinion, and then he added: "It would take pretty strong
evidence
to remove the impression that I now have.
I could not
dismiss
it from my mind; could not lay it altogethee aside during the
trial. I believe my present opinion, based upon what
I have heard
and
read, would accompany me through the trial, and would influence
me
in determining and getting at a verdict."
[Page
Eleven]
He
was challenged by the defendants on the ground of being
prejudiced,
but the court then got him to say that he believed he
could
give a fair verdict on whatever evidence he should hear, and
thereupon
the challenge was overruled.
H.
F. Chandler: In the stationary business, with Skeen, Stuart & Co.,
said:
"I was pointed out to the deputy sheriff by my employer to be
summoned
as a juror." He then stated that he had read and talked
about
the Haymarket trouble, and had formed and frequently expressed
an
opinion as to the guilt of the defendants, and that he believed
the
statements he had read and heard. He was asked:
Q.
Is that a decided opinion as to the guilt of the the defendants?
A.
It is a decided opinion, yes, sir.
Q.
Your mind is pretty well made up now as to their guilt or innocence?
A.
Yes, sir.
Q.
Would it be hard to change your opinion?
A.
It might be hard; I cannot say. I don't know whether it would be
hard
or not.
He
was challenged by the defendants on the ground of being
prejudiced.
Then the court took him in hand and examined him at some
length
and got him to state that he believed he could try the case
fairly.
Then the challenge was overruled.
[Page
Twelve]
F.
L. Wilson: Am a manufacturer. I am prejudiced and have formed an
expressed
opinion; that opinion would influence me in rendering a
verdict.
He
was challenged for cause, but was then examined by the court:
Q.
Are you conscious in your own mind of any wish or desire that
there
should be evidence produced in this trial which should prove
some
of these men, or any of them, to be guilty?
A.
Well, I think I have.
Being
further pressed by the court he said that the only feeling he
had
against the defendants was based upon having taken it for granted
that
what he read about them was, in the main, true; that he believed
that
sitting as a juror the effect of the evidence either for or
against
the defendants would be increased or diminished by what he
had
heard or read about the case. Then, on being still further
pressed
by the court, he finally said: "Well, I feel that I hope that
the
guilty one will be discovered or punished, not necessarily these
men."
Q.
Are you conscious of any other wish or desire about the matter
than
that the actual truth may be discovered?
A.
I don't think I am.
Thereupon
the challenge was overruled.
George
N. Porter, grocer, testified that he had formed and expressed
an
opinion as to the guilt of the defendants
[Page
Thirteen]
and
that this opinion, he thought, would bias his judgment; he would
try
to go by the evidence but that what he had read would have a
great
deal to do with his verdict; his mind, he said, was certainly
biased
now, and that it would take a great deal of evidence to change
it.
He was challenged for cause by the defendants; was examined by
the
court and said:
I
think what I have heard and read before I came into court would
have
some influence with me, but the court finally got him to say he
believed
he could fairly and impartially try the case and render a
verdict
according to law and evidence, and that he would try to do
so.
Thereupon the court overruled the challenge for cause. Then he
was
asked some more questions by the defendants' counsel and among
other
things said:
Why,
we have talked about it there a great many times and I have
always
expressed my opinion. I believe what I have read in the
papers;
believe that the parties are guilty. I would try to go by the
evidence,
but inthis case it would be awful hard work for me to do it.
He
was challenged a second time on the ground of being prejudiced;
was
then again taken in hand by the court and examined at length, and
finally
again said he believed he could try the case fairly on the
evidence;
when the challenge for cause was overruled for the second
time.
H.
N. Smith, hardware merchant, stated among other things that he was
prejudiced
and had quite a decided
[Page
Fourteen]
opinion
as to the guilt or innocence of the defendants, that he had
expressed
his opinion and still entertained it, and candidly stated
that
he was afraid he would listen a little more attentively to the
testimony
which concurred with his opinion than the testimony on the
other
side; that some of the policemen injured were personal friends
of
his. He was asked these questions:
Q.
That is, you would be willing to have your opinion strengthened
and
hate very much to have it dissolved?
A.
I would.
Q.
Under these circumstances do you think that you could render a
fair
and impartial verdict?
A.
I don't think I could.
Q.
You think you would be prejudiced?
A.
I think I would be because my feelings are very bitter.
Q.
Would your prejudice in any way influence you in coming at an
opinion,
in arriving at a verdict?
A.
I think it would.
He
was challenged on the ground of being prejudiced; was interrogated
at
length by the court, and was brought to say he believed he could
try
the case fairly on the evidence produced in court. Then the
challenge
was overruled.
Leonard
Gould, wholesale grocer, was examined at length; said he had
a
decided prejudice against the defendants. Among other things he
said:
"I really don't know
[Page
Fifteen]
that
I could do the case justice; if I was to sit on the case I
should
just give my undivided attention to the evidence and calculate
to
be governed by that." He was challenged for cause and the
challenge
overruled. He was then asked the question over again,
whether
he could render an impartial verdict based upon the evidence
alone,
that would be produced in court, and he answered: "Well, I
answered
that as far as I could answer it."
Q.
You say you don't know that you can answer that either yes or no?
A.
No, I don't know that I can.
Thereupon
the court proceeded to examine him, endeavoring to get him
to
state that he believed he could try the case fairly upon the
evidence
that was produced in court, part of the examination being as
follows:
Q.
Now, do you believe that you can-that you have sufficiently
reflected
upon it-so as to examine your own mind, that you can fairly
and
impartially determine the guilt or innocence of the defendants?
A.
That is a difficult question for me to answer.
Q.
Well, make up your mind as to whether you can render, fairly and
impartially
render, a verdict in accordance with the law and the
evidence.
Most men in business possibly have not gone through a
metaphysical
examination so as to be prepared to answer a question of
this
kind.
A.
Judge, I don't believe I can answer that question.
[Page
Sixteen]
Q.
Can you answer whether you believe you know?
A.
If I had to do that I should do the best I could.
Q.
The question is whether you believe you could or not? I suppose,
Mr.
Gould, that you know the law is that no man is to be convicted of
any
offense with which he is charged unless the evidence proves that
he
is guilty beyond a reasonable doubt?
A.
That is true.
Q.
The evidence heard in this case in court?
A.
Yes.
Q.
Do you believe that you can render a verdict in accordance with the law?
A.
Well, I don't know that I could.
Q.
Do you believe that you can't-if you don't know of any reason why
you
cannot, do you believe that you can't?
A.
I can not answer that question.
Q.
Have you a belief one way or other as to whether you can or can
not?
Not whether you are going to do it, but do you believe you can
not?
That is the only thing. You are not required to state what is
going
to happen next week or week after, but what do you believe
about
yourself, whether you can or can't?
A.
I am about where I was when I started.
Some
more questions were asked and Mr. Gould answered:
[Page
Seventeen]
Well,
I believe I have gone just as far as I can in reply to that question.
Q.
This question, naked and simple of itself is, do you believe that
you
can fairly and impartially render a verdict in the case in
accordance
with the law and evidence?
A.
I believe I could.
Having
finally badgered the juror into giving this last answer, the
court
desisted. The defendants' counsel asked:
Do
you believe you can do so uninfluenced by any prejudice or opinion
which
you now have?
A.
You bring it at a point that I object to and I do not feel
competent
to answer.
Thereupon
the juror was challenged a second time for cause, and the
challenge
was overruled.
James
H. Walker, dry goods merchant, stated that he had formed and
expressed
an opinion as to the guilt of defendants; that he was
prejudiced,
and stated that his prejudice would handicap him.
Q.
Considering all prejudice and all opinions that you have, if the
testimony
was equally balanced, would you decide one way or the other
in
accordance with that opinion or your prejudice?
A.
If the testimony was equally balanced, I should hold my present
opinion,
sir.
[Page
Eighteen]
Q.
Assuming that your present opinion is, that you believe the
defendants
guilty, would you believe your present opinion would
warrant
you in convicting them?
A.
I presume it would.
Q.
Well, you believe it would; that is your present belief, is it.
A.
Yes, sir.
He
was challenged on the ground of prejudice.
The
court then examined him at length, and finally asked:
Q.
Do you believe that you can sit here and fairly and impartially
make
up your mind, from the evidence, whether that evidence proves
that
they are guilty beyond a reasonable doubt or not?
A.
I think I could, but I should believe that I was a little
handicapped
in my judgment, sir.
Thereupon
the court, in the presence of the jurors not yet examined, remarked:
Well,
that is a sufficient qualification for a juror in the case-of
course,
the more a man feels that he is handicapped the more he will
be
guarded against it.
W.
B. Allen, wholesale rubber business, stated among other things:
Q.
I will ask you whether what you have formed from what you read and
heard
is a slight impression or an opinion, or a conviction?
[Page
Nineteen]
A.
It is a decided conviction.
Q.
You have made up your mind as to whether these men are guilty or innocent?
A.
Yes, sir.
Q.
It would be difficult to change that conviction, or impossible, perhaps?
A.
Yes, sir.
Q.
It would be impossible to change your conviction?
A.
It would be hard to change my conviction.
He
was challenged for cause by defendants. Then he was examined by
the
court at length and finally brought to the point of saying that
he
could try the case fairly and impartially and would do so. Then
the
challenge for cause was overruled.
H.
L. Anderson was examined at length and stated that he had formed
and
expressed an opinion, still held it, was prejudiced, but that he
could
lay aside his prejudices and grant a fair trial upon the
evidence.
On being further examined he said that some of the
policemen
injured were friends of his and he had talked with them
fully.
He had formed an unqualified opinion as to the guilt or
innocence
of the defendants, which he regarded as deep-seated, a firm
conviction
that these defendants, or some of them, were guilty. He
was
challenged on the ground of prejudice, but the challenge was
overruled.
[Page
Twenty]
M.
D. Flavin, in the marble business. He had read and talked about
the
Haymarket trouble and had formed and expressed an opinion as to
the
guilt or innocence of the defendants, which he still held and
which
was very strong; further, that one of the officers killed at
the
Haymarket was a relative of his, although the relationship was
distant,
but on account of this relationship his feelings were
perhaps
different from what they would have been, and occasioned a
very
strong opinion as to the guilt of the defendants, and that he
had
stated to others that he believed what he had heard and read
about
the matter. He was challenged on the ground of prejudice and
then
stated, in answer to a question from the prosecution, that he
believed
that he could give a fair and impartial verdict, when the
challenge
was overruled.
Rush
Harrison, in the silk department of Edson, Keith & Co., was
examined
at length; stated that he had a deep-rooted conviction as to
the
guilt or innocence of the defendants. He said:
"It
would have considerable weight with me if selected as a juror. It
is
pretty deep-rooted, that opinion is, and it would take a large
preponderance
of evidence to remove it; it would require the
preponderance
of evidence to remove the opinion I now possess. I feel
like
every other good citizen does. I feel that these men are guilty;
we
don't know which; we have formed this opinion by general reports
from
the newspapers. Now, with that feeling, it would take some
[Page
Twenty-One]
very
positive evidence to make me think these men were not guilty, if
I
should acquit them; that is what I mean. I should act entirely upon
the
testimony; I would do as near as the main evidence would permit
me
to do. Probably I would take the testimony alone."
Q.
But you say that it would take positive evidence of their
innocence
before you could consent to return them not guilty!
A.
Yes, I should want some strong evidence.
Q.
Well, if that strong evidence of their innocence was not
introduced,
then you want to convict them, of course?
A.
Certainly.
He
was then challenged on the ground of being prejudiced, when the
judge
proceeded to interrogate him and finally got him to say that he
believed
he could try the case fairly on the evidence alone; then the
challenge
was overruled.
J.
R. Adams, importer, testified that he was prejudiced; had formed
and
expressed opinions and still held them. He was challenged on this
ground,
when the court proceeded to examine him at length, and
finally
asked him this question:
Q.
Do you believe that your convictions as to what the evidence
proved,
or failed to prove, will be at all affected by what anybody
at
all said or wrote about the matter before?
A.
I believe they would.
[Page
Twenty-Two]
The
court (in the hearing of other jurors not yet examined)
exclaimed:
"It is incomprehensible to me." The juror was excused.
B.
L. Ames, dealer in hats and caps, stated that he was prejudiced;
had
formed and expressed opinions; still held them. He was challenged
on
these grounds. Then the court examined him at length; tried to
force
him to say that he could try the case fairly without regard to
his
prejudice, but he persisted in saying, in answer to the court's
questions,
that he did not believe that he could sit as a juror,
listen
to the evidence and from that alone make up his mind as to the
guilt
or innocence of the defendants. Thereupon the court, in the
presence
of other jurors not yet examined, lectured him as follows:
"Why
not? What is to prevent your listening to the evidence and
acting
alone upon it? Why can't you listen to the evidence and make
up
your mind on it?
But
the juror still insisted that he could not do it, and was discharged.
H.
D. Bogardus, flour merchant, stated that he had read and talked
about
the Haymarket trouble; had formed and expressed an opinion,
still
held it, as to the guilt or innocence of the defendants; that
he
was prejudiced; that this prejudice would certainly influence his
verdict
if selected a juror. "I don't believe that I could give them
a
fair trial upon the proof, for it would require very strong proof to
[Page
Twenty-Three]
overcome
my prejudice. I hardly think that you could bring proof
enough
to change my opinion." He was challenged on the ground of
prejudice.
Then
the court took him in hand and after a lengthy examination got
him
to say: "I think I can fairly and impartially render a verdict in
this
case in accordance with the law and the evidence."
Then
the challenge was overruled.
Counsel
for defendants then asked the juror further questions and he
replied:
"I say it would require pretty strong testimony to overcome
my
opinionat the present time; still, I think I could act independent
of
my opinion. I would stand by my opinion, however, and I think that
the
preponderance of proof would have to be strong to change my
opinion.
I think the defendants are responsible for what occurred at
the
Haymarket meeting. The preponderance of the evidence would have
to
be in favor of the defendants' innocence with me."
Then
the challenge for cause was renewed, when the court remarked, in
the
presence of jurors not yet examined: "Every fairly intelligent
and
honest man when he comes to investigate the question originally
for
himself, upon authentic sources of information, will, in fact,
make
his opinion from the authentic source, instead of hearsay that
he
heard before.
The
court then proceeded to again examine the juror, and as the juror
persisted
in saying that he did not believe
[Page
Twenty-Four]
he
could give the defendants a fair trial, was finally discharged.
These
examinations are fair specimens of all of them, and show
conclusively
that Bailiff Ryce carried out the threat that Mr. Favor
swears
to. Nearly every juror called stated that he had read and
talked
about the matter and believed what he had heard and read, and
had
formed and expressed an opinion, and still held it, as to the
guilt
or innocence of the defendants; that he was prejudiced against
them;
that that prejudice was deep-rooted, and that it would require
evidence
to remove that prejudice.
A
great many said they had been pointed out to the bailiff by their
employers
to be summoned as jurors. Many stated frankly that they
believed
the defendants to be guilty, and would convict unless their
opinions
were overcome by strong proofs; and almost every one, after
having
made these statements, was examined by the court in a manner
to
force him to say that he would try the case fairly upon the
evidence
produced in court, and whenever he was brought to this point
he
was held to be a competent juror, and the defendants were obliged
to
exhaust their challenges on men who declared in open court that
they
were prejudiced and believed the defendants to be guilty.
The
Twelve who Tried the Case.
The
twelve jurors whom the defendants were finally forced to accept,
after
the challenges were exhausted, were of the same general
character
as the others, and a number
[Page
Twenty-Five]
of
them stated candidly that they were so prejudiced that they could
not
try the case fairly, but each, when examined by the court, was
finally
induced to say that he believed he could try the case fairly
upon
the evidence that was produced in court alone. For example:
Theodore
Denker, one of the twelve: "Am shipping clerk for Henry W.
King
& Co. I have read and talked about the Haymarket tragedy, and
have
formed and expressed an opinion as to the guilt or innocence of
the
defendants of the crime charged in the indictment. I believe what
I
read and heard, and still entertain that opinion."
Q.
Is that opinion such as to prevent you from rendering an impartial
verdict
in the case, sitting as a juror, under the testimony and the
law?
A.
I think it is.
He
was challenged for cause on ground of prejudice. Then the state's
attorney
and the court examined him and finally got him to say that
he
believed he could try the case fairly upon the law and the
evidence,
and the challenge was overruled. He was then asked further
questions
by the defendants' counsel, and said:
"I
have formed an opinion as to the guilt of the defendants and have
expressed
it. We conversed about the matter in the business house and
I
expressed my opinion there; expressed my opinion quite frequently.
My
mind was made up from what I read and did not hesitate to speak
about
it."
[Page
Twenty-Six]
Q.
Would you feel yourself in any way governed or bound in listening
to
the testimony and determining it upon the pre-judgment of the case
that
you had expressed to others before?
A.
Well that is a pretty hard question to answer.
He
then stated to the court that he had not expressed an opinion as
to
the truth of the reports he had read, and finally stated that he
believed
he could try the case fairly on the evidence.
John
B. Greiner, another one of the twelve: "Am a clerk for the
Northwestern
railroad. I have heard and read about the killing of
Degan
at the Haymarket on May 4, last, and have formed an opinion as
to
the guilt or innocence of the defendants now on trial for that
crime.
It is evident that the defendants are connected with that
affair
from their being here."
Q.
You regard that as evidence?
A.
Well, I don't know exactly. Of course I would expect that it
connected
them or they would not be here.
Q.
So, then, the opinion that you now have has reference to the guilt
or
innocence of some of these men, or all of them?
A.
Certainly.
Q.
Now, is that opinion one that would influence your verdict if you
should
be elected as a juror to try the case?
A.
I certainly think it would effect it to some extent; I don't see
how
it could be otherwise.
[Page
Twenty-Seven]
He
further stated that there had been a strike in the freight
department
of the Northwestern road, which affected the department he
was
in. After some further examination he stated that he thought he
could
try the case fairly on the evidence, and was then held to be
competent.
G.
W. Adams, also one of the twelve: "Am traveling salesman; have
been
an employer of painters. I read and talked about the Haymarket
trouble
and formed an opinion as to the nature and character of the
crime
committed there. I conversed freely with my friends about the
matter."
Q.
Did you form an opinion at the time that the defendants were
connected
with or responsible for the commission of that crime?
A.
I thought some of them were interested in it, yes.
Q.
And you still think so?
A.
Yes.
Q.
Nothing has transpired in the interval to change your mind at all,
I
suppose?
A.
No, sir.
Q.
You say some of them, that is, in the newspaper accounts that you
read,
the names of some of the defendants were referred to?
A.
Yes, sir.
After
further examination he testified that he thought he could try
the
case fairly on the evidence.
[Page
Twenty-Eight]
H.
T. Sanford, another one of the twelve: Clerk for the Northwestern
railroad,
in the freight auditor's office.
Q.
Have you an opinion as to the guilt or innocence of the defendants
of
the murder of Mathias J. Degan?
A.
I have.
Q.
From all that you have heard and that you have read, have you an
opinion
as to the guilt or innocence of the defendants of throwing
the
bomb?
A.
Yes, sir; I have.
Q.
Have you a prejudice against socialists and communists?
A.
Yes, sir; a decided prejudice.
Q.
Do you believe that that prejudice would influence your verdict in
this
case?
A.
Well, as I know so little about it, it is a pretty hard question
to
answer. I have an opinion in my own mind that the defendants
encouraged
the throwing of that bomb.
Challenged
for cause on the ground of prejudice.
On
further examination, stated he believed he could try the case
fairly
upon the evidence, and the challenge for cause was overruled.
Upon
the whole, therefore, considering the facts brought to light
since
the trial, as well as the record of the trial and the answers
of
the jurors as given therein, it is clearly
[Page
Twenty-Nine]
shown
that while the counsel for defendants agreed to it, Ryce was
appointed
special bailiff at the suggestion of the state's attorney,
and
that he did summon a prejudiced jury which he believed would hang
the
defendants, and further, that the fact that Ryce was summoning
only
that kind of men was brought to the attention of the court
before
the panel was full, and it was asked to stop it, but refused
to
pay any attention to the matter, but permitted Ryce to go on and
then
forced the defendants to go to trial before this jury.
While
no collusion is proven between the judge and state's attorney,
it
is clearly shown that after the verdict and while a motion for a
new
trial was pending, a charge was filed in court that Ryce had
packed
the jury, and that the attorney for the state got Mr. Favor to
refuse
to make an affidavit bearing on this point, which the
defendants
could use, and then the court refused to take any notice
of
it unless the affidavit was obtained, although it was informed
that
Mr. Favor would not make an affidavit, but stood ready to come
into
court and make a full statement if the court desired him to do
so.
These
facts alone would call for executive interferance, especially
as
Mr. Favor's affidavit was not before the supreme court at the time
it
considered the case.
[Page
Thirty]
Recent
Decision of the Supreme Court as to Competency of Jurors.
II.
The
second point urged seemed to me to be equally conclusive. In the
case
of the People vs. Coughlin, known as the Cronin case, recently
decided,
the supreme court, in a remarkably able and comprehensive
review
of the law on this subject, says among other things:
"The
holding of this and other courts is substantially uniform, that
where
it is once clearly shown that there exists in the mind of the
juror,
at the time he is called to the jury box, a fixed and positive
opinion
as to the merits of the case, or as to the guilt or innocence
of
the defendant he is called to try, his statement that
notwithstanding
such opinion he can render a fair and impartial
verdict
according to the law and evidence, has little, if any,
tendency
to establish his impartiality. This is so because a juror
who
has sworn to have in his mind a fixed and positive opinion as to
the
guilt or innocence of the accused is not impartial, as a matter
of
fact. * * *
"It
is difficult to see how, after a juror has avowed a fixed and
settled
opinion as to the prisoner's guilt, a court can be legally
satisfied
of the truth of his answer that he can render a fair and
impartial
verdict, or find therefrom that he has the qualification of
impartiality,
as required by the constitution. * * *
"Under
such circumstances it is idle to inquire of the jurors whether
they
can return just and impartial verdicts.
[Page
Thirty-One]
The
more clear and positive were their impressions of guilt, the more
certain
they may be that they can act impartially in condemning the
guilty
party. They go into the box in a state of mind that is well
calculated
to give a color of guilt to all the evidence, and if the
accused
escapes conviction, it will not be because the evidence has
not
established guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, but because an
accused
party condemned in advance, and called upon to exculpate
himself
before a prejudiced tribunal, has succeeded in doing so. * *
*
*
"To
try a cause by such a jury, is to authorize men, who state that
they
will lean in their finding against one of the parties, unjustly
to
determine the rights of others, and it would be no difficult task
to
predict, even before the evidence was heard, the verdict that
would
be rendered. Nor can it be said that instructions from the
court
would correct the bias of the jurors who swear they incline in
favor
of one of the litigants. * * *
"Bontecou
(one of the jurors in the Cronin case), it is true, was
brought
to make answer that he could render a fair and impartial
verdict
in accordance with the law and the evidence, but that result
was
reached only after a singularly argumentative and persuasive
cross-examination
by the court, in which the right of every person
accused
of crime to an impartial trial and to the presumption of
innocence
until proved guilty beyond a reasonable doubt, and the duty
of
every citizen, when summoned as a juror, to lay aside all opinions
and
prejudices and accord the accused such trial
[Page
Thirty-Two]
was
set forth and decanted upon at length, and in which the
intimation
was very clearly made that a juror who could not do this
was
recreant to his duty as man and a citizen. Under pressure of this
sort
of cross-examination, Bontecou seems to have been finally
brought
to make answer in such a way as to profess an ability to sit
as
an impartial juror, and on his so answering he was pronounced
competent,
and the challenge as to him was overruled. Whatever may be
the
weight ordinarily due to statements of this character by jurors,
their
value as evidence is in no small degree impaired in this case
by
the mode in which they were, in a certain sense, forced from the
mouth
of the juror. The theory seemed to be that if a juror could in
any
way be brought to answer that he could sit as an impartial juror,
that
declaration of itself rendered him competent. Such a view, if it
was
entertained, was a total misconception of the law. * * *
"It
requires no profound knowledge of human nature to know that with
ordinary
men opinions and prejudices are not amenable to the power of
the
will, however honest the intention of the party may be to put
them
aside. They are likely to remain in the mind of the juror in
spite
of all his efforts to get rid of them, warping and giving
direction
to his judgment, coloring the facts as they are developed
by
the evidence and exerting an influence more or less potent, though
it
be unconsciously to the juror himself, on the final result of his
deliberations.
To compel a person accused of a crime to be tried by a
juror
who has prejudged his case is not to give him a fair trial. Nor
should
a defendant be
[Page
Thirty-Three]
compelled
to rely, as his security for the impartiality of the jurors
by
whom he is to be tried, upon the restraining and controlling
influence
upon the juror's mind of his oath to render a true verdict
according
to the law and the evidence. His impartiality should appear
before
he is permitted to take the oath. If he is not impartial then,
his
oath can not be relied upon to make him so. In the terse and
expressive
language of Lord Coke, already quoted, the jury should
`stand
indifferent as he stands unsworn."'
Applying
the law as here laid down in the Cronin case to the answers
of
the jurors above given in the present case, it is very apparent
that
most of the jurors were incompetent because they were not
impartial,
for nearly all of them candidly stated that they were
prejudiced
against the defendants and believed them guilty before
hearing
the evidence, and the mere fact that the judge succeeded, by
a
singularly suggestive examination, in getting them to state that
they
believed they could try the case fairly on the evidence, did not
make
them competent.
It
is true that this case was before the supreme court, and that
court
allowed the verdict to stand, and it is also true that in the
opinion
of the majority of the court in the Cronin case an effort is
made
to distinguish that case from this one, but it is evident that
the
court did not have the record of this case before it when it
tried
to make the distinction, and the opinion of the minority of the
court
in the Cronin case expressly refers to this case as being
exactly
like that one, so far as relates to the competency of the
[Page
Thirty-Four]
jurors.
The answers of the jurors were almost identical and the
examinations
were the same. The very things which the supreme court
held
to be fatal errors in the Cronin case constituted the entire
fabric
of this case, so far as relates to the competency of the jury.
In
fact, the trial judge in the Cronin case was guided by the rule
laid
down in this case, yet the supreme court reversed the Cronin
case
because two of the jurors were held to be incompetent, each
having
testified that he had read and talked about the case and had
formed
and expressed an opinion as to the guilt of the defendants;
that
he was prejudiced; that he believed what he had read and that
his
prejudice might influence his verdict; that his prejudice
amounted
to a conviction on the subject of the guilt or innocence of
the
defendants, but each finally said that he could and would try the
case
fairly on the evidence alone, etc.
A
careful comparison of the examination of these two jurors with that
of
many of the jurors in this case shows that a number of the jurors
in
this case expressed themselves, if anything, more strongly against
the
defendants than these two did, and what is still more, one of
those
summoned, Mr. M. D. Flavin, in this case, testified not only
that
he had read and talked about the case and had formed and
expressed
an opinion as to the guilt or innocence of the defendants,
that
hewas bitterly prejudiced, but further, that he was related to
one
of the men who was killed, and that for that reason he felt more
strongly
against the defendants than he otherwise might, yet he was
held
to be competent
[Page
Thirty-Five]
on
his mere statement that he believed he could try the case fairly
on
the evidence.
No
matter what the defendants were charged with, they were entitled
to
a fair trial, and no greater danger could possibly threaten our
institutions
than to have the courts of justice run wild or give way
to
popular clamor, and when the trial judge in this case ruled that a
relative
of one of the men who was killed was a competent juror, and
this
after the man had candidly stated that he was deeply prejudiced
and
that his relationship caused him to feel more strongly than he
otherwise
might, and when in scores of instances he ruled that men
who
candidly declared that they believed the defendants to be guilty;
that
this was a deep conviction and would influence their verdict,
and
that it would require strong evidence to convince them that the
defendants
were innocent, when in all these instances the trial judge
ruled
that these men were competent jurors, simply because they had,
under
his adroit manipulation, been led to say that they believed
they
could try the case fairly on the evidence, then the proceedings
lost
all semblance of a fair trial.
Does
the Proof Show Guilt?
III.
The
state has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which
killed
the policemen, and the evidence does not show any connection
whatever
between the defendants and the man who did throw it. The
trial
judge in
[Page
Thirty-Six]
overruling
the motion for a new hearing, and again, recently in a
magazine
article, used this language:
"The
conviction has not gone on the ground that they did have
actually
any personal participation in the particular act which
caused
the death of Degan, but the conviction proceeds upon the
ground
that they had generally, by speech and print, advised large
classes
of the people, not particular individuals, but large classes,
to
commit murder, and had left the commission, the time and place and
when,
to the individual will and whim, or caprice, or whatever it may
be,
of each individual man who listened to their advice, and that in
consequence
of that advice, in pursuance of that advice, and
influenced
by that advice, somebody not known did throw the bomb that
caused
Degan's death. Now, if this is not a correct principle of the
law,
then the defendants of course are entitled to a new trial. This
case
is without precedent; there is no example in the law books of a
case
of this sort."
The
judge certainly told the truth when he stated that this case was
without
a precedent, and that no example could be found in the law
books
to sustain the law as above laid down. For, in all the
centuries
during which government has been maintained among men, and
crime
has been punished, no judge in a civilized country has ever
laid
down such a rule before. The petitioners claim that it was laid
down
in this case simply because the prosecution, not having
discovered
the real criminal, would otherwise not have
[Page
Thirty-Seven]
been
able to convict anybody; that this course was then taken to
appease
the fury of the public, and that the judgment was allowed to
stand
for the same reason. I will not discuss this. But taking the
law
as above laid down, it was necessary under it to prove, and that
beyond
a reasonable doubt, that the person committing the violent
deed
had at least heard or read the advice given to masses, for until
he
either heard or read it he did not receive it, and if he did not
receive
it, he did not commit the violent act in pursuance of that
advice;
and it is here that the case for the state fails; with all
his
apparent eagerness to force conviction in court, and his efforts
in
defending his course since the trial, the judge, speaking on this
point
in his magazine article, makes this statement: "It is probably
true
that Rudolph Schnaubelt threw the bomb," which statement is a
mere
surmise and is all that is known about it, and is certainly not
sufficient
to convict eight men on. In fact, until the state proves
from
whose hands the bomb came, it is impossible to show any
connection
between the man who threw it and these defendants.
It
is further shown that the mass of matter contained in the record
and
quoted at length in the judge's magazine article, showing the use
of
seditious and incendiary language, amounts to but little when its
source
is considered. The two papers in which articles appeared at
intervals
during years were obscure little sheets having scarcely any
circulation
and the articles themselves were written at times of
great
public excitement when an element in the community
[Page
Thirty-Eight]
claimed
to have been outraged; and the same is true of the speeches
made
by the defendants and others; the apparently seditious
utterances
were such as are always heard when men imagine that they
have
been wronged or are excited or partially intoxicated; and the
talk
of a gigantic anarchistic conspiracy is not believed by the then
chief
of police, as will be shown hereafter, and it is not entitled
to
serious notice, in view of the fact that, while Chicago had nearly
a
million inhabitants, the meetings held on the lake front on Sundays
during
the summer by these agitators rarely had fifty people present,
and
most of these went from mere curiosity, while the meetings held
indoors
during the winter were still smaller. The meetings held from
time
to time by the masses of the laboring people must not be
confounded
with the meetings above named, although in times of
excitement
and trouble much violent talk was indulged in by
irresponsible
parties, which was forgotten when the excitement was
over.
Again,
it is shown here that the bomb was, in all probability, thrown
by
some one seeking personal revenge; that a course had been pursued
by
the authorities which would naturally cause this; that for a
number
of years prior to the Haymarket affair there had been labor
troubles,
and in several cases a number of laboring people, guilty of
no
offense, had been shot down in cold blood by Pinkerton men and
none
of the murderers were brought to justice. The evidence taken at
coroners'
inquests and presented here shows that in at least two
cases
men were fired on and killed when they were running away and
there
was consequently
[Page
Thirty-Nine]
no
occasion to shoot, yet nobody was punished; that in Chicago there
had
been a number of strikes in which some of the police not only
took
sides against the men, but without any authority of law invaded
and
broke up peaceable meetings, and in scores of cases brutally
clubbed
people who were guilty of no offense whatever. Reference is
made
to the opinion of the late Judge McAllister in the case of the
Harmonia
Association of Joiners against Brenan et al., reported in
the
Chicago Legal News. Among other things Judge McAllister says:
"The
facts established by a large number of witnesses and without any
opposing
evidence are, that this society, having leased Turner Hall,
on
West Twelfth street for the purpose, held a meeting in the
forenoon
of said day in said hall composed of from 200 to 300
individuals,
most of whom were journeymen cabinet makers engaged in
the
several branches of the manufacture of furniture in Chicago, but
some
of those in attendance were the proprietors in that business or
delegates
sent by them. The object of the meeting was to obtain a
conference
of the journeymen with such proprietors or their
authorized
delegates with the view of endeavoring to secure an
increase
of the price or diminution of the hours of labor. The
attendants
were wholly unarmed and the meeting was perfectly
peaceable
and orderly, and while the people were sitting quietly with
their
backs toward the entrance hall, with a few persons on the stage
in
front of them, and all engaged merely in the business for which
they
had assembled, a force of from
[Page
Forty]
fifteen
to twenty policemen came suddenly into the hall, having a
policeman's
club in one hand and a revolver in the other, and making
no
pause to determine the actual character of the meeting, they
immediately
shouted: "Get out of here, you damned sons-of-bitches,"
and
began beating the people with their clubs, some of them actually
firing
their revolvers. One young man was shot through the back of
the
head and killed. But to complete the atrocity of the affair on
the
part of the officers engaged in it, when the people hastened to
make
their escape from the assembly room, they found policemen
stationed
on either side of the stairway leading from the hall down
to
the street, who applied their clubs to them as they passed,
seemingly
with all the violence practicable under the circumstances.
"Mr.
Jacob Beiersdorf, who was a manufacturer of furniture, employing
some
200 men, had been invited to the meeting and came, but as he was
about
to enter the place where it was held, an inoffensive old man,
doing
nothing unlawful, was stricken to the ground at his feet by a
policeman's
club.
"These
general facts were established by an overwhelming mass of
testimony,
and for the purpose of the questions in the case, it is
needless
to go farther into detail.
"The
chief political right of the citizen in our government, based
upon
the popular will as regulated by law, is the right of suffrage,
but
to that right two others are auxilary and of almost equal
importance:
[Page
Forty-One]
"1.
The right of free speech and of a free press.
"2.
The right of the people to assemble in a peaceable manner to
consult
for the common good.
"These
are among the fundamental principles of government and
guaranteed
by our constitution. Section 17, article 2 of the bill of
rights
declares: `The people have a right to assemble in a peaceable
manner
to consult for the common good, to make known their opinions
to
their representatives and apply for redress of grievances. Jurists
do
not regard these declarations of the bill of rights as creating or
conferring
the rights, but as a guarantee against their deprivation
or
infringement by any of the powers or agencies of the government.
The
rights themselves are regarded as the natural inalienable rights
belonging
to every individual, or as political and based upon or
arising
from principles inherent in the very nature of a system of
free
government.'
"The
right of the people to assemble in a peaceable manner to consult
for
the common good being a constitutional right, it can be exercised
and
enjoyed within the scope and spirit of that provision of the
constitution,
independently of every other power of the state
government.
"Judge
Cooley, in his excellent work on `Torts,' speaking (p. 296) of
remedies
for the invasion of political rights, says: `When a meeting
for
any lawful purpose is actually called and held one who goes there
with
the purpose to disturb and break it up and commits disorder to
that
end, is a trespasser upon the rights of those who, for a time,
have
[Page
Forty-Two]
control
of the place of meeting. If several unite in the disorder it
may
be a criminal riot."'
So
much for Judge McAlister.
Now,
it is shown that no attention was paid to the judge's decision;
that
peaceable meetings were invaded and broken up and inoffensive
people
were clubbed; that in 1885 there was a strike at the McCormick
Reaper
factory on account of a reduction in wages and some Pinkerton
men,
while on their way there, were hooted at by some people on the
street,
when they fired into the crowd and fatally wounded several
people
who had taken no part in any disturbance; that four of the
Pinkerton
men were indicted for this murder by the grand jury, but
that
the prosecuting officers apparently took no interest in the case
and
allowed it to be continued a number of times, until the witnesses
were
sworn out, and in the end the murderers went free; that after
this
there was a strike on the West Division Street railway and that
some
of the police, under the leadership of Capt. John Bonfield,
indulged
in a brutality never equaled before; that even small
merchants
standing on their own doorsteps and having no interest in
the
strike were clubbed, then hustled into patrol wagons and thrown
into
prison on no charge and not even booked; that a petition, signed
by
about 1,000 of the leading citizens living on and near West
Madison
street, was sent to the mayor and city council, praying for
the
dismissal of Bonfield from the force but that on account of his
political
influence he was retained. Let me say here that the charge
of
brutality does
[Page
Forty-Three]
not
apply to all of the policemen of Chicago. There are many able,
honest
and conscientious officers who do their duty quietly,
thoroughly
and humanely.
As
a specimen of the many papers filed in this connection I will give
the
following, the first being from the officers of a corporation
that
is one of the largest employers in Chicago:
OFFICE
PEOPLE'S GAS LIGHT AND COKE CO.,
CHICAGO,
Nov. 21, 1885.
To
the Chairman of the Committee, Chicago Trades and Labor Assembly:
Sir-In
response to the request of your committee for information as
to
the treatment received by certain employes of this company at the
hands
of Captain Bonfield, and by his orders, during the strike of
the
Western Division Railway Company's employes in July last, you are
advised
as follows:
On
that day of the strike, in which there was apparently an
indiscriminate
arresting of persons who happened to be up on Madison
street,
whether connected with the disturbance of peace or engaged in
legitimate
business, a number of employes of this company were at
work
upon said street near Hoyne avenue, opening a trench for the
laying
of gas pipe.
The
tool box of the employes was at the southeast corner of Hoyne and
Madison
street. As the men assembled for labor shortly before 7 a.
m.,
they took their shovels and tools from the tool box, arranged
themselves
along the trench preparatory to going to work when the
hour
of seven should arrive. About this time and a little before the
men
began to work a crowd of men, not employes of this company, came
surging
down the street from the west, and seizing such shovels and
other
tools of the men as lay upon the ground and about the box,
threw
more or less of the loose dirt, which before had been taken
from
the trench, upon the track of the railway company. About this
time
Captain Bonfield and his force appeared upon the
[Page
Forty-Four]
scene
and began apparently an indiscriminate arrest of persons. Among
others
arrested were the following employes of this company: Edward
Kane,
Mike W. Kerwin, Dan Diamond, Jas. Hussey, Dennis Murray,
Patrick
Brown and Pat Franey. No one of these persons had any
connection
with the strike, or were guilty of obstructing the cars of
the
railway company, or of any disturbance upon the street. Mr.
Kerwin
had just arrived at the tool box and had not yet taken his
shovel
preparatory to going to work, when he was arrested while
standing
by the box and without resistance was put upon a street car
as
prisoner. When upon the car he called to a friend among the
workmen,
saying, "take care of my shovel." Thereupon Bonfield struck
him
a violent blow with a club upon his head, inflicting a serious
wound,
laying open his scalp, and saying as he did so, "I will shovel
you,"
or words to that effect. Another of the said employes, Edward
Kane,
was also arrested by the tool box, two of the police seizing
him,
one by each arm, and he was being put upon the car, a third man,
said
by Kane and others to be Bonfield, struck him with a club upon
the
head, severely cutting his head. Both of these men were seriously
injured
and for a time disabled from attending to their business.
Both
of these men, with blood streaming from cuts upon their heads,
respectively,
as also all of the others above named, were hustled off
to
the police station and locked up. The men were not "booked" as
they
were locked up, and their friends had great difficulty in
finding
them, so that bail might be offered and they released. After
they
were found communication with them was denied for some time, by
Bonfield's
orders it was said, and for several hours they were kept
in
confinement in the lock-up upon Desplaines Street as criminals,
when
their friends were desirous of bailing them out. Subsequently
they
were all brought up for trial before Justice White. Upon the
hearing
the city was represented by its attorney, Bonfield himself
being
present, and from the testimony it appeared that all these men
had
been arrested under the circumstances aforesaid, and without the
least
cause, and that Kane and Kirwin had been cruelly assaulted and
beaten
without the least justification therefor, and of course they
were
all discharged.
[Page
Forty-Five]
The
officers of this company who are cognizant of the outrages
perpetrated
upon these men, feel that the party by whom the same were
committed
ought not to remain in a responsible position upon the
police
force.PEOPLE'S GAS LIGHT AND COKE CO.,
By
C. K. G. Billings, V. P.
CHICAGO,
Nov. 19, 1885.
ROBERT
ELLIS, 974 West Madison street:
I
kept a market at 974 West Madison street. I was in my place of
business
waiting on customers and stepped to the door to get a
measure
of vegetables. The first thing I knew, as I stood on the step
in
front of my store, I received a blow over the shoulders with a
club
and was seized and thrown off the sidewalk into a ditch being
dug
there. I had my back to the person who struck me, but on
regaining
my feet I saw that it was Bonfield who had assaulted me.
Two
or three officers then came up. I told them not to hit me again.
They
said go and get in the car, and I told them that I couldn't
leave
my place of business as I was all alone there. They asked
Bonfield
and he said, "Take him right along." They then shoved me
into
the car and took me down the street to a patrol wagon, in which
I
was taken to the Lake street station. I was locked up there from
this
time, about 8 o'clock in the morning, till 8 o'clock in the
evening
and then taken to the Desplaines street station. I was held
there
a short time and then gave bail for my appearance, and got back
to
my place of business about 9 o'clock that night. Subsequently when
I
appeared in court I was discharged. It was about 8 o'clock in the
morning,
July 3, 1885, when I was taken from my place of business.
ROBERT
ELLIS.
W.
W. WYMAN:
CHICAGO,
Nov. 19, 1385.
I
was standing in my door about 7 o'clock in the morning of July 3,
1885.
I saw a man standing on the edge of the sidewalk. He wasn't
doing
anything at all. Bonfield came up to him, and without a word
being
said by either, Bonfield hit him over the head with his club
and
knocked him down. He also hit him twice after he had fallen. I
was
standing about six feet from them when the assault occurred. I
don't
know the man that was clubbed-never saw him before nor since.
W.
W. WYMAN,
1004
West Madison Street.
[Page
Forty-Six]
JESSE
CLOUD:
CHICAGO,
Nov. 20, 1885.
On
the morning of July 3, 1885, about 7 o'clock, as I was standing on
the
southeast corner of Madison street and Western avenue, I saw
Bonfield
walk up to a man on the opposite corner, who was apparently
looking
on at what was going on in the street. Bonfield hit him over
the
head with his club and knocked him down. Some men who were near
him
helped him over to the drug store on the corner where I was
standing.
His face was covered with blood from the wound on his head
made
by Bonfield's club, and he appeared to be badly hurt. A few
moments
later, as I was standing in the same place, almost touching
elbows
with another man, Bonfield came up facing us and said to us,
"stand
back," at the same time striking the other man over the head
with
his club. I stepped back and turned around to look for the other
man;
saw him a few feet away with the blood running down over his
face,
apparently badly hurt from the effect of the blow or blows he
had
received from Bonfield. There was no riot or disorderly conduct
there
at the time, except what Bonfield made himself by clubbing
innocent
people who were taking no part in the strike. If they had
been
there for the purpose of rioting they would surely have resisted
Bonfield's
brutality.
I
affirm that the above statement is a true and correct statement of facts.
JESSE
CLOUD, 998 Monroe street.
H.
J. NICHOLS:
CHICAGO,
Nov. 19, 1885.
On
the morning of July 3, 1885, I was driving up Madison street, just
coming
from Johnson's bakery on Fifth avenue. When I got to the
corner
of Market and Madison streets, I met the cars coming over the
bridge.
On looking out of my wagon I saw Bonfield by the side of a
car.
He snatched me from my wagon and struck me on the head cutting
it
open, and put me in a car, leaving my wagon standing there
unprotected
loaded with bakery goods, all of which were stolen,
except
a few loaves of bread. I was taken to the Desplaines street
station
and locked up for about ten hours. I was then bound over for
riot
in $500 bail and released. During the time I was there I
received
no attention of any kind, though my head was seriously cut.
Julius
Goldzier, my
[Page
Forty-Seven]
LAWYER
went to Bonfield with me before the case was called in court,
and
told him I had done nothing, and Bonfield said, "scratch his name
off,"
and I was released.
I
swear to the truth of the above.
Signed,
H.
J. NICHOLS,
47
Flournoy street.
The
following is from Captain Schaack, a very prominent police official:
DEPARTMENT
OF POLICE,
CITY
OF CHICAGO.
CHICAGO,
Ill., May 4, 1893.
Mr.
G. E. DETWILER, Editor Rights of Labor:
Dear
Sir: In reply to your communication of April 13, I will say that
in
July, 1885, in the street car strike on the west side, I held the
office
of lieutenant on the force. I was detailed with a company of
officers
early in the morning in the vicinity of the car barns, I
believe
on Western avenue and a little north of Madison street. My
orders
were to see that the new men on the cars were not molested
when
coming out of the barns.
One
man came out and passed my lines about fifty feet. I saw one of
the
men, either driver or conductor, leave the car at a stand-still.
I
ran up near to the car, when I saw on the southeast corner of the
street
Bonfield strike a man on the head with his club. He hit the
man
twice and I saw the man fall to the ground.
Afterwards
I was put on a train of cars, protecting the rear.
Bonfield
had charge of the front. I saw many people getting clubbed
in
front of the train but I held my men in the rear and gave orders
not
to strike any one except they were struck first. Not one of my
officers
hurt a person on that day or at any time.
Many
people were arrested, all appearing. From what I saw in the
afternoon
and the next day, no officer could state what they were
arrested
for. The officers professed ignorance of having any
evidence,
but "some one told them to take him in," meaning to lock
him
up. On that afternoon, about 4 o'clock, I met Bonfield and he
addressed
[Page
Forty-Eight]
me
in the following words, in great anger: "If some of you
goody-goody
fellows had used your clubs freely in the forenoon, you
would
not need to use lead this afternoon." I told him that I did not
see
any use clubbing people and that I would club no person to please
any
one, meaning Bonfield, and that if lead had to be used, I thought
my
officers could give lead and take it also. I will say that affair
was
brutal and uncalled for.
MICHAEL
J. SCHAACK,
No.
227 N. State Street.
Again
it is shown that various attempts were made to bring to justice
the
men who wore the uniform of the law while violating it, but all
to
no avail; that the laboring people found the prisons always open
to
receive them, but the courts of justice were practically closed to
them;
that the prosecuting officers vied with each other in hunting
them
down, but were deaf to their appeals; that in the spring of 1886
there
were more labor disturbances in the city and particularly at
the
McCormick factory; that under the leadership of Capt. Bonfield
the
brutalities of the previous year were even exceeded. Some
affidavits
and other evidence is offered on this point which I can
not
give for want of space. It appears that this was the year of the
eight
hour agitation and efforts were made to secure an eight hour
day
about May 1, and that a number of laboring men standing, not on
the
street, but on a vacant lot, were quietly discussingthe situation
in
regard to the movement, when suddenly a large body of police under
orders
from Bonfield charged on them and began to club them; that
some
of the men, angered at the unprovoked assault, at first
resisted,
but were soon dispersed; that some of the
[Page
Forty-Nine]
police
fired on the men while they were running and wounded a large
number
who were already 100 feet or more away and were running as
fast
as they could; that at least four of the number so shot down
died,
that this was wanton and unprovoked murder, but there was not
even
so much as an investigation.
Was
it an Act of Personal Revenge?
While
some men may tamely submit to being clubbed and seeing their
brothers
shot down, there are some who will resent it and will
nurture
a spirit of hatred and seek revenge for themselves, and the
occurrences
that preceded the Haymarket tragedy indicate that the
bomb
was thrown by some one who, instead of acting on the advice of
anybody,
was simply seeking personal revenge for having been clubbed,
and
that Capt. Bonfield is the man who is really responsible for the
death
of the police officers.
It
is also shown that the character of the Haymarket meeting sustains
this
view. The evidence shows there were only 800 to 1,000 people
present,
and that it was a peaceable and orderly meeting; that the
mayor
of the city was present and saw nothing out of the way and that
he
remained until the crowd began to disperse, the meeting being
practically
over, and the crowd engaged in dispersing when he left;
that
had the police remained away for twenty minutes more there would
have
been nobody left
[Page
Fifty]
there,
but that as soon as Bonfield learned that the mayor had left
he
could not resist the temptation to have some more people clubbed
and
went up with a detachment of police to disperse the meeting, and
that
on the appearance of the police the bomb was thrown by some
unknown
person and several innocent and faithful officers, who were
simply
obeying an uncalled for order of their superior, were killed;
all
of these facts tend to show the improbability of the theory of
the
prosecution that the bomb was thrown as the result of a
conspiracy
on the part of the defendants to commit murder; if the
theory
of the prosecution were correct there would have been many
bombs
thrown; and the fact that only one was thrown shows that it was
an
act of personal revenge.
It
is further shown here that much of the evidence given at the trial
was
a pure fabrication; that some of the prominent police officials
in
their zeal, not only terrorized ignorant men by throwing them into
prison
and threatening them with torture if they refused to swear to
anything
desired, but that they offered money and employment to those
who
would consent to do this. Further, that they deliberately planned
to
have fictitious conspiracies formed in order that they might get
the
glory of discovering them. In addition to the evidence in the
record
of some witnesses who swore that they had been paid small sums
of
money, etc., several documents are here referred to.
First,
an interview with Capt. Ebersold published in the Chicago
Daily
News May 10, 1889.
[Page
Fifty-One]
Chief
of Police Ebersold's Statement.
Ebersold
was chief of the police of Chicago at the time of the
Haymarket
trouble and for a long time before and thereafter, so that
he
was in a position to know what was going on and his utterances
upon
this point are therefore important. Among other things he says:
"It
was my policy to quiet matters down as soon as possible after the
4th
of May. The general unsettled state of things was an injury to
Chicago.
"On
the other hand, Capt. Schaack wanted to keep things stirring. He
wanted
bombs to be found here, there, all around, everywhere. I
thought
people would lie down and sleep better if they were not
afraid
that their homes would be blown to pieces any minute. But this
man,
Schaack, this little boy who must have glory or his heart would
be
broken, wanted none of that policy. Now, here is something the
public
does not know. After we got the anarchist societies broken up,
Schaack
wanted to send out men to again organize new societies right
away.
You see what this would do. He wanted to keep the thing
boiling,
keep himself prominent before the public. Well, I sat down
on
that, I didn't believe in such work, and of course Schaack didn't
like
it.
"After
I heard all that, I began to think there was perhaps not so
much
to all this anarchist business as they claimed, and I believe I
was
right. Schaack thinks he knew all about those anarchists. Why, I
knew
more
[Page
Fifty-Two]
at
that time than he knows to-day about them. I was following them
closely.
As soon as Schaack began to get some notoriety, however, he
was
spoiled."
This
is a most important statement, when a chief of police who has
been
watching the anarchists closely says that he was convinced that
there
was not so much in all this anarchist business as was claimed,
and
that a police captain wanted to send out men to have other
conspiracies
formed in order to get the credit of discovering them
and
keep the public excited, it throws a flood of light on the whole
situation
and destroys the force of much of the testimony introduced
at
the trial.
For
if there has been any such extensive conspiracy as the
prosecution
claims, the police would have soon discovered it. No
chief
of police could discover a determination on the part of an
individual,
or even a number of separate individuals, to have
personal
revenge for having been maltreated, nor could any chief
discover
a determination by any such individual to kill the next
policeman
who might assault him. Consequently, the fact that the
police
did not discover any conspiracy before the Haymarket affair
shows
almost conclusively that no such extensive combination could
have
existed.
As
further bearing on the question of creating evidence reference is
made
to the following affidavits:
[Page
Fifty-Three]
STATE
OF ILLINOIS, COUNTY OF COOK. SS.
Jacob
Mikolanda, being first duly sworn, on oath states, that he took
no
part in the so-called May troubles of 1886; that on or about the
8th
day of May, 1886, two police officers, without a warrant or
without
assigning any reasons therefor, took this affiant from a
saloon,
where he was conducting himself peacefully, and obliged him
to
accompany them to his house; that the same officers entered his
house
without a search warrant, and ransacked the same, not even
permitting
the baby's crib with its sleeping occupant, to escape
their
unlawful and fruitless search; that in about a month after this
occurrence
this affiant was summoned by Officer Peceny to accompany
him
to the police station, as Lieutenant Shepard wished to speak to
me;
that there without a warrant this affiant was thrown into jail;
that
he was thereupon shown some photographs and asked if he knew the
persons,
and on answering to the affirmative as to some of the
pictures,
he was again thrown into prison; that he was then
transferred
from one station to another for several days; that he was
importuned
by a police captain and assistant state's attorney to turn
state's
witness, being promised therefor money, the good will and
protection
of the police, their political influence in securing a
position
and his entire freedom; that on answering that he knew
nothing
to which he could testify, he was thrown back into jail; that
his
preliminary hearing was repeatedly continued for want of
prosecution,
each continuance obliging this affiant to remain longer
in
jail; that eventually this affiant was dismissed for want of
prosecution.
JACOB
MIKOLANDA.
Subscribed
and sworn to before me this 14th day of April, A. D. 1893.
CHARLES
B. PAVLICEK,
Notary
Public.
STATE
OF ILLINOIS, COUNTY OF COOK, SS.
Vaclav
Djmek, being first duly sworn, on oath states that he knows of
no
cause for his arrest on the 7th day of May, A. D. 1886; that he
took
no part in any of the troubles of the preceding days; that
without
a warrant for his arrest, or without a search warrant for his
premises,
the police entered the house on the night of the
[Page
Fifty-Four]
7th
day of May, 1886; that on being requested to show by what
authority
they entered, the police heaped abuse upon this affiant and
his
wife; that the police then proceeded to ransack the house, roused
this
affiant's little children out of bed, pulled the same to pieces,
carried
away this affiant's papers and pillow slips, because the same
were
red; that on the way to the police station, though this affiant
offered
no resistance whatever and went at the command of the officer
peacefully,
this affiant was choked, covered by revolvers and
otherwise
inhumanly treated by the police officers; that for many
days
this affiant was jailed and refused a preliminary hearing; that
during
said time he was threatened, and promised immunity by the
police
if he would turn state's witness; that the police clerk and
officer
Johnson repeatedly promised this affiant his freedom and
considerable
money if he would turn state's witness; that on his
protestations
that he knew of nothing to which he could testify, this
affiant
was abused and ill-treated; that while he was jailed this
affiant
was kicked, clubbed, beaten and scratched, had curses and
abuses
heaped upon him and was threatened with hanging by the police;
that
this affiant's wife was abused by the police when she sought
permission
to see this affiant.
VACLAV
DJMEK.
Subscribed
and sworn to before me this 14th day of April, A. D. 1893.
CHARLES
B. PAVICEK,
Notary
Public.
I
will simply say in conclusion on this branch of the case that the
facts
tend to show that the bomb was thrown as an act of personal
revenge,
and that the prosecution has never discovered who threw it,
and
the evidence utterly fails to show that the man who did throw it
ever
heard or read a word coming from the defendants; consequently it
fails
to show that he acted on any advice given by them. And if he
did
not act on or hear any advice coming from the defendants, either
in
speeches or through the press, then there was no case against them
even
under the law as laid down by Judge Gary.
[Page
Fifty-Five]
Fielden
and Schwab.
At
the trial a number of detectives and members of the police force
swore
that the defendant, Fielden, at the Haymarket meeting, made
threats
to kill, urging his hearers to do their duty as he would do
his,
just as the policemen were coming up, and one policeman swears
that
Fielden drew a revolver and fired at the police while he was
standing
on the wagon and before the bomb was thrown, while some of
the
others testified that he first climbed down off the wagon and
fired
while standing by a wheel. On the other hand, it was proven by
a
number of witnesses and by facts and circumstances that this
evidence
must be absolutely untrue. A number of newspaper reporters
who
testified on the part of the state said that they were standing
near
Fielden, much nearer than the police were, and heard all that
was
said and saw what was done; that they had been sent there for
that
purpose, and that Fielden did not make any such threats as the
police
swore to, and that he did not use a revolver. A number of
other
men who were near, too, and some of them on the wagon on which
Felden
stood at the time, swear to the same thing. Fielden himself
swears
that he did not make any such threats as the police swore to,
and
further, that he never had or used a revolver in his life. But if
there
were any doubt about the fact that the evidence charging
Fielden
with having used a revolver is unworthy of credit, it is
removed
by Judge Gary and State's Attorney Grinnell. On November 8,
1887,
when he question of commuting the death sentence as to Fielden
[Page
Fifty-Six]
was
before the governor, Judge Gary wrote a long letter in regard to
the
case in which, in speaking of Fielden, he among other things,
says:
"There is in the nature and private character of the man a love
of
justice, an impatience at undeserved sufferings. * * * In his own
private
life he was the honest, industrious and peaceful laboring
man.
In what he said in court before sentence he was respectful and
decorous.
His language and conduct since have been irreproachable. As
there
is no evidence that he knew of any preparation to do the
specific
act of throwing the bomb that killed Degan, he does not
understand
even now that general advice to large masses to do
violence
makes him responsible for the violence done by reason of
that
advice. * * * In short, he was more a misguided enthusiast than
a
criminal conscious of the horrible nature and effect of his
teachings
and of his responsibility therefor."
The
states attorney appended the foregoing letter beginning as
follows:
"While endorsing and approving the foregoing statement by
Judge
Gary, I wish to add thereto the suggestion * * * that Schwab's
conduct
during the trial and when addressing the court before
sentence,
like Fielden's was decorous, respectful to the law and
commendable.
* * * It is further my desire to say that I believe that
Schwab
was the pliant, weak tool of a stronger will and more
designing
person. Schwab seems to be friendless."
[Page
Fifty-Seven]
If
what Judge Gary says about Fielden is true; if Fielden has "a
natural
love of justice and in his private life was the honest,
industrious
and peaceable laboring man," then Fielden's testimony is
entitled
to credit, and when he says that he did not do the things
the
police charge him with doing and that he never had or used a
revolver
in his life, it is probably true, especially as he is
corroborated
by a number of credible and disinterested witnesses.
Again,
if Fielden did the things the police charged him with doing,
if
he fired on them as they swear, then he was not a mere misguided
enthusiast
who was to be held only for the consequences of his
teachings,
and if either Judge Gary or State's Attorney Grinnell had
placed
any reliance on the evidence of the police on this point they
would
have written a different kind of a letter to the then executive.
In
the fall of 1887 a number of the most prominent business men of
Chicago
met to consult whether or not to ask executive clemency for
any
of the condemned men. Mr. Grinnell was present and made a speech
in
which in referring to this evidence he said that he had serious
doubts
whether Fielden had a revolver on that occasion or whether
indeed
Fielden ever had one.
Yet
in arguing the case before the supreme court the previous spring
much
stress was placed by the state on the evidence relating to what
Fielden
did at the Haymarket meeting and that court was misled into
attaching
great importance to it.
[Page
Fifty-Eight]
It
is now clear that there is no case made out against Fielden for
anything
that he did on that night, and, as heretofore shown, in
order
to hold him and the other defendants for the consequences and
effects
of having given pernicious and criminal advice to large
masses
to commit violence, whether orally, in speeches or in print,
it
must be shown that the person committing the violence had read or
heard
the advice, for until he had heard or read it he did not
receive,
and if he never received the advice it can not be said that
he
acted on it.
State's
Attorney on Neebe's Innocence.
IV.
At
the conclusion of the evidence for the state the Hon. Carter H.
Harrison,
then mayor of Chicago, and Mr. F. S. Winston, then
corporation
counsel for Chicago were in the court room and had a
conversation
with Mr. Grinnell, the state's attorney in regard to the
evidence
against Neebe, in which conversation, according to Mr.
Harrison
and Mr. Winston, the state's attorney said that he did not
think
he had a case against Neebe and that he wanted to dismiss as to
him,
but was dissuaded from doing so by his associate attorneys, who
feared
that such a step might influence the jury in favor of the
other
defendants.
Mr.
Harrison. in a letter, among other things, says: "I was present
in
the court room when the state closed its case. The attorney for
Neebe
moved his discharge on the ground that there was no evidence to
hold
him on. The
[Page
Fifty-Nine]
state's
attorney, Mr. Julius S. Grinnell, and Mr. Fred S. Winston,
corporation
counsel for the city, and myself were in earnest
conversation
when the motion was made. Mr. Grinnell stated to us that
he
didnot think there was sufficient testimony to convict Neebe. I
thereupon
earnestly advised him, as the representative of the state,
to
dismiss the case as to Neebe, and if I remember rightly he was
seriously
thinking of doing so, but on consultation with his
assistants
and on their advice he determined not to do so lest it
would
have an injurious effect on the case as against the other
prisoners.
* * * I took the position that such discharge being
clearly
justified by the testimony would not prejudice the case as to
the
others."
Mr.
Winston adds the following to Mr. Harrison's letter:
MARCH,
21, 1889.
I
concur in the statement of Mr. Harrison; I never believed there was
sufficient
evidence to convict Mr. Neebe, and so stated during the
trial.
F.
S. WINSTON.
In
January, 1890, Mr. Grinnell wrote a letter to Gov-Fifer, denying
that
he had ever made any such statement as that mentioned by Mr.
Harrison
and Mr. Winston; also that he did believe Neebe guilty; that
Mr.
Harrison suggested the dismissal of the case as to Neebe, and
further
that he would not have been surprised if Mr. Harrison had
made
a similar suggestion as to others and then he says: "I said to
Mr.
Harrison at that time substantially that I was afraid that the
jury
might not think the testimony presented in the case sufficient
to
convict Neebe, but that it was in their province to pass upon it.
[Page
Sixty]
Now,
if the statement of Messrs. Harrison and Winston is true, then
Grinnell
should not have allowed Neebe to be sent to the
penitentiary,
and even if we assume that both Mr. Harrison and Mr.
Winston
are mistaken and that Mr. Grinnell simply used the language
he
now says he used, then the case must have seemed very weak to him.
If,
with a jury prejudiced to start with, a judge pressing for
conviction,
and amid the almost irresistible fury with which the
trial
was conducted, he still was afraid the jury might not think the
testimony
in the case was sufficient to convict Neebe, then that
testimony
must have seemed very weak to him, no matter what he may
now
protest about it.
When
the motion to dismiss the case as to Neebe was made, defendants'
counsel
asked that the jury might be permitted to retire while the
motion
was being argued, but the court refused to permit this, and
kept
the jury present where it could hear all that the court had to
say,
then when the argument on the motion was begun by defendants'
counsel
the court did not wait to hear from the attorneys for the
state,
but at once proceeded to argue the points itself with the
attorneys
for the defendants, so that while the attorneys for the
state
made no argument on the motion, twenty-five pages of the record
are
filled with the colloquy or sparring that took place between the
court
and the counsel for the defendants, the court in the presence
of
the jury making insinuations as to what inference might be drawn
by
the jury from the fact that Neebe owned a little stock in a paper
called
the Arbeiter Zeitung and had been seen there
[Page
Sixty-One]
although
he took no part in the management until after the Haymarket
troubles,
it appearing that the Arbeiter Zeitung had published some
very
seditious articles with which, however, Neebe had nothing to do.
Finally
one of the counsel for the defendants said: "I expected that
the
representatives of the state might say something, but as your
honor
saves them that trouble, you will excuse me if I reply briefly
to
the suggestions you have made." Some other remarks were made by
the
court, seriously affecting the whole case, and prejudicial to the
defendants,
and then, referring to Neebe the court said:
"Whether
he had anything to do with the dissemination of advice to
commit
murder is I think a debatable question which the jury ought to
pass
on." Finally the motion was overruled. Now, with all of the
eagerness
shown by the court to convict Neebe, it must have regarded
the
evidence against him as very weak, otherwise it would not have
made
this admission, for if it was a debatable question whether the
evidence
tended to show guilt, then that evidence must have been far
from
being conclusive upon the question as to whether he was actually
guilty;
this being so, the verdict should not have been allowed to
stand,
because the law requires that a man shall be proven to be
guilty
beyond a reasonable doubt before he can be convicted of a
criminal
offense. I have examined all of the evidence against Neebe
with
care and it utterly fails to prove even the shadow of a case
against
him. Some of the other defendants were guilty ef using
seditious
language, but even this cannot be said of Neebe.
[Page
Sixty-Two]
Prejudice
or Subserviency of Judge.
V.
It
is further charged with much bitterness by those who speak for the
prisoners
that the record of the case shows that the judge conducted
the
trial with malicious ferocity and forced eight men to be tried
together;
that in cross-examining the state's witnesses he confined
counsel
for the defense to the specific points touched on by the
state,
while in the cross-examination of the defendants' witnesses he
permitted
the state's attorney to go into all manner of subjects
entirely
foreign to the matters on which the witnesses were examined
in
chief; also that every ruling throughout the long trial on any
contested
point was in favor of the state, and further, that page
after
page of the record contains insinuating remarks of the judge,
made
in the hearing of the jury, and with the evident intent of
bringing
the jury to his way of thinking; that these speeches, coming
from
the court, were much more damaging than any speeches from the
state's
attorney could possibly have been; that the state's attorney
often
took his cue from the judge's remarks; that the judge's
magazine
article recently published, although written nearly six
years
after the trial, is yet full of venom; that, pretending to
simply
review the case, he had to drag into his article a letter
written
by an excited woman to a newspaper after the trial was over,
and
which therefore had nothing whatever to do with the case and was
put
into the
[Page
Sixty-Three]
articles
simply to create a prejudice against the woman, as well as
against
the dead and the living, and that, not content wtth this, he
in
the same article makes an insinuating attack on one of the lawyers
for
the defense, not for anything done at the trial, but because more
than
a year after the trial when some of the defendants had been
hung,
he ventured to express a few kind, if erroneous, sentiments
over
the graves of his dead clients, whom he at least believed to be
innocent.
It is urged that such ferocity or subserviency is without a
parallel
in all history; that even Jeffries in England contented
himself
with hanging his victims, and did not stop to berate them
after
they were dead
These
charges are of a personal character, and while they seem to be
sustained
by the record of the trial and the papers before me and
tend
to show that the trial was not fair, I do not care to discuss
this
feature of the case any farther, because it is not necessary. I
am
convinced that it is clearly my duty to act in this case for the
reasons
already given, and I, therefore, grant an absolute pardon to
Samuel
Fielden, Oscar Neebe and Michael Schwab this 26th day of June,
1893.
JOHN
P. ALTGELD,
Governor
of Illinois.